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Anthropological accounts provide us with a broader viewpoint in being familiar with the social, cultural and religious attitudes of individuals to animals and the significance of animal sacrifice in specific (e.g. Ingold 1986). There are several difficulties in archaeologists using ethnographic analogies from societies in unique components of the globe, and assuming that the identical meanings and associations motivated equivalent official behaviour (see Hodder 1982). Unfortunately, the character of the fragmented ethnographic literature for this topic can make it inescapable that discussions do not focus on a contextual use of analogy from a solitary local community but draw upon the accounts from a quantity of different societies (see Ingold 1986). However, they may possibly nevertheless present some proof to guidance the interpretation of early Anglo-Saxon animal sacrifice recommended above. Crabtree (1995) also sees the sacrifice of whole animals in the broader context of other animal continues to be made use of in funerary contexts: the provision of food stuff choices, animal bone amulets and artefacts made from animal bone. Consequently, cremation rites set up symbolic associations concerning animal species and the physical continues to be of the useless through the ritual method. Bone assemblages from settlements are dominated by sheep/goat, and these are also repeated in cremation cemeteries. However, while the continues to be of horse and puppy are generally bundled in cremation burials they are really unusual on settlements (Crabtree 1995: 23-5 Richards 1992: 139). Animals were almost certainly sacrificed for funerary feasting, but this does not appear to have been the principal issue in their slaughter

Kinsley 1989). In all conditions, the purpose seems not merely to present the animals in a realistic way, but to portray them wholely or in component in an idealised, from time to time abstract form (see also Richards 1992: 139). Admittedly these vessels sort only a tiny proportion of the whole number of cinerary urns, but they trace at much more refined associations between the deceased and the animal simply because they are evoked on as properly as in the urns. Some of these might signify joints of meat, when others, this kind of as the horses’ heads retrieved from the Great Chesterford cemetery, and an articulated foreleg from Broughton Lodge, may well suggest far more ritualised functions of deposition (Evison 1994: 31-5 FilmerSankey 1992 Kinsley 1993: forty six Serjeantson 1994: 66-70). However, even in these conditions the association with cremation is not far away. On other occasions they are put in relative isolation inside of the cemetery (Dickinson and Speake 1992: 108-12 Vierck 1971 Kinsley 1993: 58-61 Serjeantson 1994: 66-8). They are commonly uncovered full, as with the modern discovery of a horse with a male weapon burial from Lakenheath in Suffolk. Here, horse is predominant but commonly combined with other species (McKinley 1994: 93). It appears as if the analogy of human being and animal is taken just one phase further in this situation

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